The first part of the book, entitled Theoretical Approaches to Philosophy of Language, contains contributions by philosophers of language on connectives, intensional contexts, demonstratives, subsententials, and implicit indirect reports. The second part, Pragmatics in Discourse, presents contributions that are more empirically based or of a more applicative nature and that deal with the pragmatics of discourse, argumentation, pragmatics and law, and context.
The book presents perspectives which, generally, make most of the Gricean idea of the centrality of a speaker's intention in attribution of meaning to utterances, whether one is interested in the level of sentence-like units or larger chunks of discourse. Further advances in pragmatics and philosophy : part 2 theories and applications 4 editions published in in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide The two sections of this volume present theoretical developments and practical applicative papers respectively.
The applied papers focus on topics such as pragmatic disorders, mapping places of origin, stance-taking, societal pragmatics, and cultural linguistics. This is the second volume of invited papers that were presented at the inaugural Pragmasofia conference in Palermo in , and like its predecessor presents papers by well-known philosophers, linguists, and a semiotician. The papers present a wide variety of perspectives independent from any one school of thought.
Gli italiani e la lingua by a quarant'anni dalla pubblicazione della Storia linguistica dell'Italia unita di Tullio De Mauro" Convegno "Gli italiani e la lingua Book 7 editions published in in Italian and held by 87 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Linguaggi, macchine e formalizzazione : sugli aspetti logico-matematici della grammatica generativo-trasformazionale di Noam Chomsky by Franco Lo Piparo Book 15 editions published in in Italian and Undetermined and held by 81 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Prospettive di storia della linguistica : lingua, linguaggio, comunicazione sociale Book 6 editions published in in Italian and held by 74 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. La Sicilia linguistica oggi Book 13 editions published in in Italian and Undetermined and held by 58 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. I due carceri di Gramsci : la prigione fascista e il labirinto comunista by Franco Lo Piparo Book 5 editions published in in Italian and held by 45 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Aristotele e il linguaggio : cosa fa di una lingua una lingua by Franco Lo Piparo Book 13 editions published between and in Italian and held by 34 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
L'enigma del quaderno : la caccia ai manoscritti dopo la morte di Gramsci by Franco Lo Piparo Book 6 editions published in in Italian and held by 31 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Il professor Gramsci e Wittgenstein : il linguaggio e il potere by Franco Lo Piparo Book 5 editions published in in Italian and held by 31 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Filosofia, lingua, politica : saggi sulla tradizione linguistica italiana by Franco Lo Piparo Book 3 editions published in in Italian and held by 27 WorldCat member libraries worldwide.
Aristotele e il linguaggio : cosa fa di una lingua una lingua by Franco Lo Piparo Book 1 edition published in in Italian and held by 18 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Information was both global and local: its circulation made long distances small, but every small step could make for huge transformations. This view adds complexity to our sense of global contacts more generally. Information divided people as much as it brought them together, and flows of resources saw unequal degrees of participation. Recent works have already established themselves as models of global microhistory, whether by following individuals who moved across borders, 5 or by reconstructing networks that spanned oceans.
By restricting focus, I increase the variety of my sources, and in this way I hope to enhance our sense of context and to widen the framework of historical explanation to include social, political and cultural elements as well as the materiality of information. This breadth of sources and approaches is what makes microhistory history on the large scale.
On the other hand, the global turn in history has given new prominence to the old study of communications in the plural as studied by Marshall McLuhan and especially Harold Innis. These historiographical transformations imply different geographical choices. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, historians studied the national press or postal system, often in a competitive mood to assess which state had these first.
This is no trumpeting of local achievements. By contrast, the turn to the global prompts us to look beyond places or even nations, to news moving over long distances and across empires, seas or continents. This is an exciting challenge — and one which calls for a microhistorical approach. This may seem paradoxical. But this approach entails two blindspots. One is geographical, because the existence of large bodies of printed periodicals tends to privilege some areas over others.
The history of the media investigates technologies crossing vast spaces, but leaves little room for the people who participated in the exchange at either end and along the way, not to mention those who did not. Insofar as they do consider actors, historians of the media tend to focus on producers, whether news-writers or publishers — once again recalling the traditional history of information as proto-journalism. Instead, they merely assume diffusion and reception.
But needless to say, we can only write a history of information as truly an element of global knowledge if we consider the people who read or heard about the news. Microhistory enables us to limit these blindspots and combine the two approaches of the study of local communication practices and long-distance media.
One approach, which I adopt in this article, is to follow the movement of news concerning a specific event, to uncover a variety of means of information and a variety of experiences; and to understand both the circulation of ideas and the material medium and physical contact that enabled it. Others have done the same before.
Microhistory entails specific advantages for the history of information. Two of these stem from the close engagement with a wide variety, not just a great number, of sources — a point emphasized by Giovanni Levi in his contribution to this collection. Instead of extensively gathering homogeneous data from the media alone, restricting our focus enables us to read newsletters and gazettes against other sources and to cross-examine different archives.
A history of the media based on internal evidence alone tells us nothing about the motives of news-writers or publishers, whom media historians presuppose to be free actors attempting to maximize profit in a competitive market. But by considering personal or judicial sources, we discover that most professionals were clients of powerful figures and that, before , many printers too depended on patronage for survival. This does not just add human flesh to the history of media; it also affects our understanding of content.
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Archival evidence may show that an innocent-looking piece of news reported in one place originated as a planted leak in another. For example, prior to the invasion of Cyprus, newsletters from Venice informed the Fuggers in Augsburg that the Ottomans were planning an attack on Spain; the news derived from intelligence sent by the Venetian ambassador — but in fact research on Ottoman sources reveals that he was unwittingly repeating deliberately misleading information sown by Ottoman double agents.
A second advantage of restricting focus relates to the uses of information. Evidence about these can be gathered for example by more intensely concentrating on some collections to study marginalia or the ways in which readers assembled or organized those collections.
As important as the development of information technologies was the know-how both local and global of investors who took decisions on the basis not only of rational calculus but also of personal, social and institutional ties. As the last two paragraphs argue, sources enable microhistorians to gain a richer sense of context and so to nuance understanding of how information worked in practice.
But microhistory does not just gain greater granularity. A final advantage concerns the conceptualization of historical phenomena themselves.
Perry Anderson, The Affinities of Norberto Bobbio, NLR I/, July–August
Just as microhistory was originally inspired to challenge the stereotypes of modernization theory, so the microhistory of global information overcomes the technological determinism of media history. As I hope to demonstrate in the second part of this article, microhistory highlights variations, accretions and manipulations, to understand information as unstable and as constructed in the process of moving. This in turn allows us to understand space less as an obstacle to overcome than as itself a transformative factor.
Different scales must be combined. Before turning to the microhistory of the news of the Adriatic battle from which we started, we need to consider its broader, or macro, context, extending to the Mediterranean and Europe and reaching back in the medium and long terms. In the sixteenth century competition grew, with direct trade between papal Ancona and Ragusa, but in the s Venice established a free port at Split welcoming Muslims, Jews and Christians.
The project, supported by the Ottomans and proposed by Portuguese-born Jewish merchant Daniel Rodriga, was sustained by a global vision for reviving east—west trade against growing Atlantic routes. While Venice was committed to protecting navigation, the threat of piracy persisted.
The Uskoks, a refugee population who had fled Ottoman advance and now guarded some of the disputed borderland between Habsburgs and Ottomans, raided both Muslim and Christian convoys from their coastal fortresses in modern-day Croatia. Had the Spanish secured control of the Adriatic, they could have turned it into a corridor to central Europe, a strategic alternative to the route that cut across the Alps — and this just as general war was about to break out.
But so too did very many other people. Interior side of an inlaid cabinet dating to showing the Adriatic Sea surrounded by cameos of kings of Spain and Naples; the external face shows a map of the globe. The cabinet, produced in the circles of the Viceroy of Naples, was part of a series and is now held at the Certosa e Museo di San Martino. From Pierre Mortier, De Fransche Neptunus Amsterdam, , it comes from one of the largest world-atlases printed at the time.
On 19 November , after months of mounting hostilities, the Venetian fleet surprised a smaller Spanish squadron by the bay of Santa Croce in southern Dalmatia.
New Arcana Imperii
Heavy cannon fire broke out, but no on-board attack followed and, despite numerical inferiority, the Spanish managed to escape and reach their port in Apulia. Close observation shows that even the protagonists diverged in interpretation and detail, so as to inflate their merit or deflect responsibility. For this reason they sent reports as swiftly as possible. On 21 November, the Spanish commander Francisco de Ribera wrote to the viceroy in Naples about his buen succeso , a carefully chosen expression that avoided falsely claiming victory.
But he also revealed details that would never make it into public reports. Just as his fleet manoeuvred into a crescent for the final blow, many officers failed to obey his order to attack. Those who received the reports manipulated them before passing them on: speed mattered less than the possibility for spin — and in this process, distance was less a problem than an opportunity.